human power and wisdom has been in this matter for its guidance from the first. No one
could have believed that in the same House where for so many years the name of Utah and
the word Mormon had been used to excite bitter contests, and where the Democrats always
stood to challenge the Republicans for their course towards Utah, the time had come when
both parties would act together as one man to admit it as a State. There is a blessing
in this for the State and its people, I am sure. Before leaving the question of its
passage in the House, I should say that in addition to Mr. Reed, whose powerful friend-
ship was so valuable, we had also the benefit of the almost equally powerful influence
of Mr. Burrows of Michigan, Mr. Dolliver of Iowa, Mr. Hooker of New York, Mr. Babcock
of Wisconsin, Messrs. Hepburn, Hull, and Lacey, of Iowa, and indeed of every one of the
stronger men among the Republican leaders. The only speeches made in opposition were
by Mr. Morse, Republican, the stove-polish man of Massachusetts whose opposition was
a help, and Mr. Harter, Democrat, of Ohio, whose intolerance of speech simply emphasized
the need for national sense and action.

The bill therefore went from the House to the Senate bearing the invincible
approval of unamimouss passage. Here the Democrats were placed in a dilemma. They still
professed to hold in cordial degree the same friendship that they undoubtedly had toward
Utah and its people in previous years, notably such men as Senator Faulkner of West Vir-
ginia, Senator Vest of Missouri, and Senator Coke of Texas. They assured us, since they
saw no chance of escaping and since they plainly saw they could not defeat Utah without
putting it on the ground of objection to the Mormons and without thereby forfeiting the
friendship of the Mormon balance of power in several States, that they would pass it and
give you Statehood for the holidays. But they did not meand it. They intended to hide
it away in the Committe, to keep it in the background, claiming that they were still in-
terested in it but that the absorbing question of the tariff bill had relegated that and
everything else of comparatively minor importance to the rear. Thus 1893 was concluded
and 1894 began. We saw very plainly that unless we could use in some way the passing
chances of the current contests in the Senate and be of service to one faction in the
Democratic party as against the other, we could not win. For it was both the party in-

human power and wisdom has been in this matter for its guidance from the first. No one could have believed that in the same House where for so many years the name of Utah and the word Mormon had been used to excite bitter contests, and where the Democrats always stood to challenge the Republicans for their course towards Utah, the time had come when both parties would act together as one man to admit it as a State. There is a blessing in this for the State and its people, I am sure. Before leaving the question of its passage in the House, I should say that in addition to Mr. Reed, whose powerful friendship was so valuable, we had also the benefit of the almost equally powerful influence of Mr. Burrows of Michigan, Mr. Dolliver of Iowa, Mr. Hooker of New York, Mr. Babcock of Wisconsin, Messrs. Hepburn, Hull, and Lacey, of Iowa, and indeed of every one of the stronger men among the Republican leaders. The only speeches made in opposition were by Mr. Morse, Republican, the stove-polish man of Massachusetts whose opposition was a help, and Mr. Harter, Democrat, of Ohio, whose intolerance of speech simply emphasized the need for national sense and action.

The bill therefore went from the House to the Senate bearing the invincible approval of unamimous passage. Here the Democrats were placed in a dilemma. They still professed to hold in cordial degree the same friendship that they undoubtedly had toward Utah and its people in previous years, notably such men as Senator Faulkner of West Virginia, Senator Vest of Missouri, and Senator Coke of Texas. They assured us, since they saw no chance of escaping and since they plainly saw they could not defeat Utah without putting it on the ground of objection to the Mormons and without thereby forfeiting the friendship of the Mormon balance of power in several States, that they would pass it and give you Statehood for the holidays. But they did not mean it. They intended to hide it away in the Committe, to keep it in the background, claiming that they were still interested in it but that the absorbing question of the tariff bill had relegated that and everything else of comparatively minor importance to the rear. Thus 1893 was concluded and 1894 began. We saw very plainly that unless we could use in some way the passing chances of the current contests in the Senate and be of service to one faction in the Democratic party as against the other, we could not win. For it was both the party in-